By Ian Castle
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Additional info for British Infantryman in South Africa, 1877-81 : the Anglo-Zulu and transvaal wars
Hofmeyr, Smuts's second-incommand and the focus of liberal hopes, they managed to pin the label 'integrationist', a philosophy which they maintained would lead to the end of the white man in South Africa. They also exploited the Communist threat to the utmost. And when, over and above this highly emotional double-barrelled indictment, the Nationalists were able to offer the vague philosophy of apartheid with its enticing promise of 'safety' and privilege for the white man, the battle was all but won.
Its decision to fight the 1953 election on the basis of an agreement with the United Party and the Torch Commando angered both liberals and conservatives in its ranks and contributed to its demise - another party that could not make up its mind about the place and role of people of colour in 'white' politics. Even the short-lived Liberal Party, formed in 1953 (after the death of the Torch Commando) with the object of working for a common South African citizenship irrespective of race, had some difficulties in deciding on the precise nature of a non-racial franchise (qualified or not) as well as on the extent to which the party should identify itself with the black resistance movements of the 1950s and early 1960s.
C. set up headquarters outside South Africa and tried to carry on the struggle from such centres as Dar-esSalaam, London, Cairo, Algiers and New York, all the while lobbying where they could at the United Nations and the World Council of Churches, the South African Government directed more and more attention and activities to the homelands. It accelerated the devel9pment of African towns and resettlement villages10 with the object of getting as many Africans as possible out of the white urban areas and so reducing the black-white population ratio outside the homelands.
British Infantryman in South Africa, 1877-81 : the Anglo-Zulu and transvaal wars by Ian Castle